Valpy Fitzgerald, Judith Heyer, and
Rosemary Thorpe (eds.): Overcoming the Persistence of Inequality and Poverty
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillian, 2011, 301 pages
Review: Lirio Gutiérrez Rivera
♦ The volume Overcoming
the Persistence of Inequality and Poverty, is edited by Valpy Fitzgerald,
Judith Heyer, and Rosemary Thorpe, who work at Oxford University (Judith Heyer
and Rosemary Thorpe are emeritus professors), researching and lecturing on
International Development and Economics. The nine articles contribute to the
central topic of the book: understanding the persistence of inequality and
poverty in developing countries, particularly in countries in Africa, Asia, and
Latin America. Like the editors, the contributors of the nine articles are
based at different universities predominantly in Western Europe (that is, the
United Kingdom and Italy). Only two contributors work in developing countries
(India and Nigeria). The book is divided into three parts: (a) Technical Change
and Economic Development; (b) Human Development, Income Distribution and
Poverty; (c) Conflict, Ethnicity and Inequality.
The individual
chapters address poverty and social inequality in developing countries,
building on the work of Frances Stewart, emeritus professor at Oxford
University who has worked and pioneered the field of development studies (and
to whom the book is dedicated). Professor Stewart’s concepts and analytical
frameworks, such as horizontal inequality, technological gaps, economies of
scale, on the one hand serve as the methodological lens for the persistence of
the problems of poverty and inequality from a new perspective in the articles
of this book. At the same time they aim at constructing new policies in order
to overcome both problems.
In Chapter 2, John
Toye introduces important aspects of Frances Stewart’s life and work and its
importance in development studies for those of us who are not familiar with it.
Frances Stewart, the daughter of renowned economist Nicholas Kandor, saw early
on the link between technology and development, yet differently from the
“modernization through industrialization” paradigm. As Toye points out, Stewart
questioned concepts for explaining technique and technology such as ‘product’
and hence challenged the neoclassical model of the sixties and seventies with
its comparative statistics. Rather, she advocates an empirical approach and
moving beyond the traditional variables used by economists, income and wealth
distribution. In this sense, she shares the view of Amartya Sen, particularly
his notion of capabilities for measuring positive freedom. As a policy maker
and consultant for organizations such as the United Nations, Stewart introduced
notions such as the meso-level, which is “an intermediate domain of decision
making…[W]hen properly used can improve the lives of vulnerable groups” (2011:
28). In the nineties, Stewart tackled a new subject, that is, war and
underdevelopment, using a cross-disciplinary perspective and concepts such as
horizontal inequality. In various research groups, Stewart also took into
account ethnicity, identity, self-empowerment, and how collective action can
improve the situation of the poor.
The nine chapters in
this volume discuss Stewart’s legacy from different angles. The contributions
to the first part, “Technical Change and Economic Development”, look at how
technology change affects human development, the relationship between migration
and productivity of firms (in the European Union area), and revisit Stewart’s
book, Technology and Underdevelopment (1977), using new empirical data.
The conclusions of all three articles, which are based on empirical data
collected in different developing countries (India, Brazil) and for migrants
from the developing world in the European Union, center on ways for improving
policies on the level of technology and development. For instance, for better
investment in technological change (Ranis et. al), governments are suggested to
support scientific interests – particularly the research and development
institutions – rather than the private sector’s. Barba Navaretti et. al. point
out that migration policies in
the European Union need to be readdressed, as
they contradict the needs of local/national firms; furthermore, the regulation
of migration (both high skilled and non-skilled workers) can have “unexpected
effects on industrial development” (2011: 88). The empirical data presented
provide insight into Stewart’s observations on technology and development and
contribute to an understanding the importance of these observations.
The second part “Human Development, Income Distribution and
Poverty” is discussed with reference to various settings (Costa Rica,
the Latin American left, Welfare Regimes) and also supported by analysis of
empirical data. In the case of Costa Rica, Denelin’s interesting work on values
and human development teaches us that values are linked to class. Dominant
classes impose certain values that also impact on the notion of ‘development’.
Denelin notes that the introduction of a neoliberal agenda in Costa Rica, a
country known for a rather stable and functioning welfare regime in Latin
America, is actually part of a change of values among the dominant classes that
call for a ‘new style of development’ (2011: 144). Nevertheless, other groups
can also shape values and policies such as the trade unions, environmental
groups and political pressure groups. Mkandawire’s work addresses the gap and
undertheorization of social policy research of developing countries due to bias
in both OECD countries and developing countries. Findings indicate the need to
research not only the social policies of developing countries, but also to
establish a dialogue between developing and developed countries. Cornia and
Martorano ask whether the decreasing inequality in Latin America is linked to
external conditions or to new economic and social policies, particularly in
what they have termed as “Left-of-Centre countries” (LOC). Results show that
LOC have introduced progressive social policies (for instance, in education,
modernizing taxation). However, the LOC’s own mistakes threaten their political
power and overturn the reduction of inequality achieved in the past years.
The contributions of
the final part titled “Conflict,
Ethnicity and Inequality” discuss Stewart’s recent contributions on
inequality. In Brown’s contribution, the role of civil society is brought to
the fore for understanding horizontal inequality. The role and contribution of
civil society is often overlooked; Brown suggests a social capital approach and
a social meaning approach for understanding the role of civil society in the
dynamics of horizontal inequality, particularly in settings of armed conflict.
The notion of horizontal inequality is further expanded when exploring it in
relation to militancy in the Niger Delta. Horizontal inequality is based on
Stewart’s definition and is understood as the “inequalities between culturally
defined and politically salient groups” (2011, 233), here linked to militancy
in the area studied. High youth unemployment, elite manipulation and
environmental degradation are perceived as horizontal inequality factors linked
to militancy. Mustapha looks at the challenge of ethnic representativeness in
Nigeria and South Africa, presenting us with various contrasts and similarities
in both cases. For instance, in Nigeria ethnicity and religion are important,
whereas in South Africa, there is an emphasis on gender rights. Both countries
have introduced affirmative action policies, which are experienced differently in
each country.
Overcoming the Persistence of Inequality and Poverty is very well structured, adhering to the editors’ main
purpose in the introduction to build on Stewart’s foundations in order to
contribute to policy decisions. The volume is dedicated to Stewart and her work
as a pioneer of in Development Studies; the choice to build on Stewart’s work
is valid. Nevertheless, the decision to stop there seems somewhat arbitrary: it
would have been interesting to discuss Stewart’s important contributions and
concepts alongside the approaches of other pioneers in the field (such as
Amartya Sen, whose work is barely mentioned in chapter 1) or to launch a debate
with other conceptual-analytical frameworks (such as dependency theory). Aside
from this observation, the articles are grounded in solid empirical data and
help grasp the various concepts introduced by Stewart. They provide important
insights for understanding dynamics of poverty and inequality, hence making
this book well worth reading.♦